Keisha L. Bentley-Edwards & Paul Robbins The University of Texas at Austin

As we encourage Black parents, particularly those with lower socioeconomic statuses, to enroll their young children into school readiness programs such as Head Start, Pre-K and Preschool (Harden, Sandstrom, & Chazan-Cohen, 2012), we must also make sure that they are aware of the high suspension and expulsion rates facing Black children in these settings (Barbarin, 2010; Gilliam & Shahar, 2006; Office for Civil Rights, 2014; Rashid, 2009). A recent report by Office for Civil Rights within the U.S. Department of Education (2014) revealed the disproportionate use of suspensions facing Black preschoolers. Although Black children comprise only 18% of all preschoolers, they represent 42% of preschoolers that have been suspended once and 48% of those with multiple suspensions. What makes these specific numbers so alarming is that they only include data from public school districts with preschool/pre-k programs (i.e. pre-k through 12th grade districts). It has been noted in prior research that public school systems typically have the lowest preschool suspension rates while for-profit early childhood education programs have the highest overall rates of suspension and expulsion (Gilliam & Shahar, 2006).

Schools are receiving greater pressure to improve the academic performance of their students. The No Child Left Behind Act requires achievement scores to be disaggregated by race and ethnicity. In their efforts to close racial achievement gaps, districts are integrating preschool or pre-k programs into their curriculum to bolster school readiness for Black children (Kaurez, 2014). When preschool programs are integrated into school districts, or are part of state-funded programs such as Head Start, they are more likely to have official protocols for managing student misbehavior than private or for-profit schools (Gilliam & Shahar, 2006).

 

Unfortunately, suspending or expelling preschoolers is perceived as a quick and low-stakes option for maintaining order in classrooms. Unlike in high school, getting expelled from preschool will not prevent you from entering another school or directly interfere with your college opportunities. However, school mobility – even in preschool is related to adverse outcomes, including poorer teacher ratings of initiative taking and attachment to the school environment (Tran & Winsler, 2011). In addition to these outcomes, Tran and Winsler (2011) also found that Black preschoolers also responded to changes in schools and school staff with slower cognitive development their counterparts.

 

The extreme disciplinary actions occurring in preschool have long-term implications on academic engagement, social competence, k-12 disciplinary problems and judicial contact (Barbarin, 2010). Thus, the school-to-prison pipeline must include an extensive understanding of disciplinary policies in preschool. The indicators that lead to disproportionate suspension rates as well as strategies to protect our children must be understood.

 

Why would a school suspend a toddler? Teachers are on a tightrope to help preschoolers prepare for kindergarten, manage busy toddlers and their parents. For-profit preschools may promise specific learning environments and are concerned with online ratings and reviews. Therefore, children’s behavior that may be incongruous with their pedagogy or philosophies, or those that they perceive will jeopardize their standing are dealt with expeditiously through suspensions and expulsions. For-profit preschools do not have the oversight or established disciplinary policies required by school districts or state-funded preschools. Further, Gilliam and Shahar (2006) found that class size, teacher dissatisfaction and attributions of job demandingness were positively associated with preschool suspensions and expulsions. Promoting teacher efficacy and sociocultural competence has been recommended for better classroom management and reductions in harsh disciplinary practices at all school levels (Maag, 2012)

 

Although research has found that Black children over 9 years of age are perceived as older and less innocent than their White counterparts (Goff, Jackson, Di Leone, Culotta, & DiTomasso, 2014), preschoolers must contend with the teachers’ perceptions of parents and communities. Based on location, costs and/or income eligibility requirements, school segregation begins in preschool, resulting in poorer quality care and less warmth for Black children than for White children (Fram & Kim, 2012; Wright, 2011). As such, teachers and schools may view the behaviors of Black toddlers as an inevitable representation of impoverished and disorganized communities, rather than developmentally appropriate. The rejecting and bullying experiences of Black children remain unrecognized

 

nd unacknowledged, particularly when they fight back in response to these experiences (Fanger, Frankel, & Hazen, 2012; Sawyer, Bradshaw, & O’Brennan, 2008). Assumptions that Black children have predisposition for violence based on their race, neighborhood or social class may preclude teachers from determining the impetus for externalizing behavior. Parents, practitioners and community members must remain vigilant that Black preschooler’s education is not undermined.

 

Know the punitive policies at your preschool. Throughout the educational experience, suspension and expulsion processes have been criticized for being biased against Black children and arbitrary in their execution (Gregory, Skiba, & Noguera, 2010; Maag, 2012). Many schools have a “zero-tolerance” policy in attempts to have culture-fair, objective practices to combat violence and drug-use on campus. Although these policies were enacted to combat White male gun-violence, zero- tolerance policies have in fact been used to disproportionately steer Black and Latino youth, particularly boys into the penal system and out of their learning environment (Bentley-Edwards, Thomas, & Stevenson, 2013; Gregory, et al., 2010). Thus, toddlers engaging in normative expressions of frustration, or even those that have emotional regulation problems are being suspended or expelled from their schools instead receiving appropriate correction and care. Parents and community members must be aware of which school infractions have specific punitive repercussions, how offenses are determined (based on teacher witnessing an occurrence, peer complaint, number of incidents), and whether or not parents have the right to refute any claims before actions are taken. When determining punishment for misbehavior, preschools must ensure that appropriate research evidence and practitioner expertise is given precedence over maintaining order (Casella, 2003).

 

Look for schools with a corrective rather than a correctional approach. Managing the stress and frustration of interpersonal conflict is difficult at any age, but imagine trying to negotiate playtime and friendships as a 4 year old. At this age, children are still in the period of egocentric thinking (Piaget, 1962) where they assume that others perceive the world as they do and that the behaviors and actions of others are directly related to them. Therefore, when preschoolers are fighting over a desired toy, does the teacher intervene with an in-vivo lesson on compromise and empathy, or is the primary (or even sole) response terminating the peer interaction? In the former response, children learn social competency and alternate behaviors for managing disagreements. In the latter response, conflict remains unresolved and the preschooler must manage their emotional and interpersonal relationships on their own (Han, 2010). Punishment or separation can be confusing for young children. They are forced to ascertain if they are being punished for engaging in a loud tug of war, because they disagreed with a high-status child, or if it is because they wanted a forbidden toy. Expecting a preschooler to be able to engage in healthy peer relations without adult mediation is unrealistic, and sets children up for future conflict escalation and adverse disciplinary outcomes. Black children come to preschool with strong social skills that engender extended play interactions (Bulotsky-Shearer, et al., 2012; Fantuzzo, Coolahan, Mendez, McDermott, & Sutton-Smith, 1998; National Black Child Development Institute, 2014). However, perceptions of Black social deviance, inadequate teacher training and resources, and the failure to use culturally relevant assessments can result in Black preschoolers being evaluated through a lens of deficiency and danger (Fantuzzo, et al., 1998; Stevenson, 2013; Tyson, 2003).

 

Scrutinize, challenge and be vigilant. If you have ever been to a youth sporting event, you know what happens when the referee makes a questionable call. Parents and others in the stands are outraged, screaming, “Bad call Ref!” On the court, parents feel comfortable questioning the referee because they are paying close attention and they know the rules of the game. Even if the call is not changed, parents want the referee to know that they are watching and will not tolerate another misjudgment about their child. Preschool is no different. Parents must challenge school officials when they feel that their child is being judged unfairly or punished harshly in comparison to their peers. Further, if the behaviors described by teachers are remarkably different than those parents see at home, setting up an “observation” day may be in order. It is not uncommon for parents to sit in the back of a class or in child development centers, watch through an observation window to personally judge their child’s behavior. This lets schools know that you are monitoring your child’s behavior as well as their teacher’s responses. Although this level of engagement may be difficult for many working parents, schools judge parental commitment to education based on their involvement and treat their child accordingly. Whether a child is in preschool or high school, parents need the resources to fight disparate disciplinary practices. If parents do not know the rules or school policies, we as practitioners, researchers and members of the community must inform and advocate on their behalf, thus ensuring that Black children’s rights to a sound education are preserved.

 

School readiness is not simply about learning the alphabet; it is also the medium for socializing around school norms, academic engagement and building friendships (Bulotsky-Shearer, et al., 2012). Early childhood education is an essential tool in closing the racial achievement gap. However, increasing access to preschool is only effective when they are safe places for socio-emotional growth. Black children need the vigilant gaze and advocacy of parents, community members and practitioners to ensure that their first school experiences actually support their academic prowess rather than assert social dominance.

 

References

 

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